AMLO Presents Pueblo: Mexico’s Four Transformations and His Interpretation of the Country’s Political History
By Gaceta Imperio Staff
Summary
Andrés Manuel López Obrador made a public appearance through a video recorded in Palenque, Chiapas, to present Pueblo, his new book on Mexico’s political history. Published by Editorial Planeta, the book consists of 10 chapters spanning the period from Independence to what he calls the Fourth Transformation.
During the video, the former president offered an extensive account of what he considers the four major transformations of Mexico’s public life: Independence, the Reform led by Benito Juárez, the Mexican Revolution, and the Fourth Transformation. He connected these historical episodes with his views on Mexico–United States relations, Mexican presidents, the media, the economy, social programs, and the concept of Mexican Humanism.
López Obrador dedicated the new book to President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo, whom he described as “the best president in the world,” and argued that her administration has continued the principles he associates with the Fourth Transformation.
Keywords
andrés manuel lópez obrador; amlo Pueblo; fourth transformation; four transformations of Mexico; mexican humanism; claudia sheinbaum; mexican political history; united states; media
Introduction
According to the account López Obrador gave in the video, his new book, Pueblo, offers a review of more than two centuries of Mexican political history through a perspective that connects Independence, the Reform, the Mexican Revolution, and the Fourth Transformation.
López Obrador explained that he had initially considered naming the book Gloria as a counterpart to Grandeza, his previous book. He ultimately chose Pueblo because, as he explained, the term captures one of the central ideas of his political outlook: placing the people at the center of historical transformations and democracy.
The message, recorded at his property known as La Chingada in Palenque, Chiapas, went beyond introducing the book. The former president used the video to review his political career, defend the results he attributes to his administration, criticize previous governments, and present his interpretation of Mexico’s historical relationship with the United States, the role of the media, and the development of what he calls Mexican Humanism.
Pueblo: A Journey Through More Than 200 Years of Political History
López Obrador explained that the book contains 10 chapters covering the period from Independence to the Fourth Transformation. The historical sequence he described includes Independence, the conflict between liberals and conservatives, the Juárez Reform, the French intervention, the Porfiriato, Maderismo, the revolutionary leaders, Cardenismo, the post-revolutionary presidents, the period he calls “PRIAN neo-Porfirismo,” and finally the Fourth Transformation.
The first part of his presentation focused on what he considers Mexico’s four major transformations.
For López Obrador, the first was Independence, initiated by Miguel Hidalgo and José María Morelos against Spanish colonial rule. The second was the Reform led by Benito Juárez, which he associated with the separation of Church and state and the consolidation of the secular state.
In his interpretation, the Juárez period also represented a defense of national sovereignty against the French intervention and the attempt to establish a monarchy headed by Maximilian of Habsburg. The former president placed particular emphasis on popular resistance and recalled the support that, according to his account, Mexico received from Abraham Lincoln.
The third transformation was identified with the Mexican Revolution, whose immediate antecedent he placed in Francisco I. Madero’s movement against the Porfiriato. López Obrador portrayed Madero as a figure associated with democracy and described the president’s assassination, together with that of Vice President José María Pino Suárez, as a turning point that intensified the armed struggle.
The fourth transformation, in López Obrador’s own interpretation, is the political movement he led and which reached the federal government in 2018. He argued that this period constitutes a transformation of Mexico’s public life and that its central feature was a “revolution of consciousness” accompanied by a greater role for the people.
From Juárez and Cárdenas to the Fourth Transformation
López Obrador’s historical account does more than identify four periods. He established a continuity between particular historical figures and political values that, from his perspective, form part of Mexican Humanism.
He associated Benito Juárez with patriotism and the defense of the Republic. Francisco I. Madero was presented as a symbol of democracy. Lázaro Cárdenas occupied a central position in his account because of policies concerning land distribution, labor rights, and the recovery of control over Mexico’s oil resources.
López Obrador argued that Cárdenas was the president who began to incorporate peasants, Indigenous people, and workers more fully into the country’s political and social life. He associated Cárdenas with justice and described him as Mexico’s best president of the 20th century.
From this perspective, the former president established a break between the post-revolutionary period and what he calls neoliberalism or “neo-Porfirismo.” In his account, that period began with Miguel de la Madrid and ended with Enrique Peña Nieto.
This characterization was one of the most critical elements of his speech. López Obrador argued that over those 36 years, national assets, companies, banks, mines, and other resources were transferred to private interests. He singled out the administrations of Carlos Salinas de Gortari and Ernesto Zedillo and used the banking bailout known as Fobaproa as one of the central examples supporting his argument.
According to figures presented by the former president, the bailout initially involved 180 billion pesos. He claimed that interest payments had since reached 1.6 trillion pesos, while a similar amount remained outstanding. López Obrador projected that the nominal accumulated cost could eventually reach 8.4 trillion pesos.
The United States, Sovereignty, and the U.S. Presidents López Obrador Praises
Relations with the United States occupied a substantial part of the video.
López Obrador identified Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt as two U.S. presidents who, in his view, maintained favorable relations with Mexico. He associated Lincoln with the period of Benito Juárez and Roosevelt with the oil expropriation carried out during Lázaro Cárdenas’s presidency.
Regarding Roosevelt, López Obrador argued that the U.S. government did not respond adversely to Mexico’s sovereign decision to regain control over its oil resources. In Lincoln’s case, he recalled his opposition to the 1847 U.S. invasion of Mexico and his refusal to recognize Maximilian.
By contrast, López Obrador criticized the actions of other U.S. representatives in Mexican history. Among them, he mentioned Henry Lane Wilson, the U.S. ambassador to Mexico during the Decena Trágica, whom he accused of participating in the political maneuvers that led to the overthrow and assassination of Madero and Pino Suárez.
The bilateral relationship returned to the discussion when López Obrador addressed the contemporary situation in the United States. He argued that the country is experiencing a form of “decline” associated, in his interpretation, with individualism, family disintegration, drug consumption, and the predominance of a materialistic conception of life.
He argued that Mexico and the United States have a close relationship and that a serious crisis in the United States would have consequences for Mexico. In that context, he announced plans for a future book intended to put forward a proposal for the United States.
López Obrador’s View of the United States
The former president linked his assessment of the United States to a distinction between an economic and military power and a cultural power.
In his presentation, he argued that the United States had focused on material and military development, while Mexico had preserved cultural, moral, and spiritual values that, in his view, explain the strength of Mexican families and the population’s level of happiness.
López Obrador referred to figures from an international happiness survey to argue that Mexico had moved from 21st place to 10th during his presidential term. He attributed that position primarily to two factors: family and well-being.
This comparison led into one of the central arguments of his speech: the idea that the Mexican family functions as a structure of solidarity and social protection.
He used this argument to connect his criticism of the United States with the concept of Mexican Humanism. For López Obrador, the model extends beyond economic or social policy and incorporates a conception of human relations based on solidarity, fraternity, and assistance to those facing greater hardship.
The Media and Social Networks
Another major theme of the video was the relationship between political power, the media, and social networks.
López Obrador argued that he faced an adverse media environment throughout much of his political career. He recalled in particular the role that, according to his account, television, radio, and newspapers played during his years as head of government of Mexico City and later as a presidential candidate.
By contrast, he described the emergence of social networks as a break with the dominance of traditional media. He recalled that he once referred to them as “blessed social networks” because, from his perspective, they offered a direct means of communicating with the public.
His assessment later changed, he explained, because he believes these platforms ceased to operate as independent spaces and became controlled by major economic interests.
During the video, he criticized media owners, broadcasters, journalists, and newspaper columnists. Among the outlets he mentioned were Televisa, TV Azteca, Reforma, El Universal, and Radio Fórmula, along with various journalists and commentators. He accused some of them of acting as representatives of economic and political interests.
López Obrador was particularly critical of Carmen Aristegui, Carlos Loret de Mola, Ciro Gómez Leyva, Joaquín López-Dóriga, and other media figures. In Aristegui’s case, he challenged the image that, according to him, some of her former supporters had of her as a defender of freedom of expression.
From Government Advertising Spending to His Assessment of His Administration
The criticism of the media was connected to another central argument in the video: the reduction of government spending on advertising.
López Obrador claimed that the government immediately preceding his administration had allocated approximately 80 billion pesos to advertising and argued that his government substantially reduced that spending during its first year.
According to his account, spending on advertising in the media fell from 15 billion pesos to approximately 3 billion pesos during the first year of his administration.
The former president presented this reduction as part of a broader policy aimed at cutting government expenses and eliminating privileges. Within the same framework, he referred to the sale of the presidential aircraft and argued that the proceeds were used to build hospitals.
He connected this argument to his criticism of the political and economic model of previous administrations, which he associates with extensive use of public resources for the benefit of business groups.
Poverty, Social Programs, and the Fourth Transformation
One of the central elements of López Obrador’s assessment of his administration was the reduction of poverty.
The former president claimed that 14.4 million people were lifted out of poverty during his administration. He added that, according to the figures he cited, Mexico went from having 55% of its population living in poverty during Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s administration, to 46% during Felipe Calderón’s, 41% when López Obrador took office, and 29% when he left office.
The former president linked this outcome to social welfare programs, savings resulting from lower government spending, and his anti-corruption policy. Among the programs he mentioned were pensions for older adults, support for people with disabilities, student scholarships, Sembrando Vida, and Jóvenes Construyendo el Futuro.
Regarding Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration, he argued that these programs had continued and that new measures had been added, including support for women aged 60 to 64, expanded scholarships, and programs related to education and healthcare for older adults.
At this point, his argument returned to one of the ideas running throughout the speech: the objective of assisting people facing greater vulnerability and preventing those who move out of poverty from becoming disconnected from those who remain in difficult economic conditions.
Mexican Humanism as the Framework for His Interpretation
López Obrador defined Mexican Humanism around two pillars: Mexico’s culture and its political history.
The first, he explained, corresponds to the legacy of Indigenous civilizations, while the second relates to the historical events and figures involved in the country’s major political transformations.
In discussing culture, he referred to the Olmec and Maya civilizations and emphasized the knowledge developed by pre-Hispanic societies. He mentioned San Lorenzo, La Venta, the Olmec colossal heads, Bonampak, and Palenque, as well as knowledge associated with plants, animals, agriculture, observation of the sky, and writing.
His argument is that Mexican identity cannot be understood solely through European heritage. López Obrador maintained that Indigenous civilizations developed cultural systems and knowledge long before the arrival of Europeans and that this legacy remains part of contemporary Mexican society.
Within this framework, he described Mexico as a “cultural power,” contrasting that characterization with the United States as an economic and military power.
The People as the Subject of History
According to López Obrador, the choice of Pueblo as the book’s title reflects this conception.
The former president argued that most of the population forms part of “the people” and recalled the episode involving Primo de Verdad, who, during the political crisis caused by Napoleon’s invasion of Spain, raised the idea of popular sovereignty.
For López Obrador, that concept constitutes one of the antecedents of Mexican democracy and explains why he chose Pueblo as the title.
The book, he said, is organized into 10 chapters:
- Independence.
- Conservatives versus liberals.
- The Juárez Reform.
- The Porfiriato.
- Maderismo.
- The leaders of the Revolution.
- Cardenismo.
- The post-revolutionary presidents.
- “PRIAN neo-Porfirismo.”
- The Fourth Transformation.
Through this structure, López Obrador presents a historical journey extending from Independence to the political period he himself led.
Claudia Sheinbaum and the Continuity of the Fourth Transformation
One of the most direct political elements of the message was López Obrador’s dedication of the book to Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo.
López Obrador said he was satisfied with the performance of the person to whom he had handed the presidential baton and described Sheinbaum as “the best president in the world.” He added that his assessment was not motivated by a desire to obtain personal recognition, since he considers himself retired from politics.
His reference to Sheinbaum formed part of his explanation of the continuity of the Fourth Transformation. López Obrador argued that the president has maintained and expanded social programs and that her administration continues the principles he associates with the movement.
This statement represents his personal assessment of Sheinbaum during the presentation of the book.
The Four Principles López Obrador Highlights at the End
Toward the end of the video, López Obrador summarized what he considers four fundamental principles of the Fourth Transformation.
The first: “Only the people can save the people.”
The second: “With the people, everything; without the people, nothing.”
The third: “For the good of all, the poor come first.”
The fourth is directed particularly at public servants: they must act honestly, refrain from stealing and lying, and not betray the people.
According to the former president’s presentation, these principles condense the relationship between his conception of public power and the Mexican Humanism developed in Pueblo.
A Retirement López Obrador Presents as Definitive
The presentation of the book also served to reiterate López Obrador’s claim that his political career has come to an end.
He explained that after almost 50 years of political activity, he decided to retire in order to avoid becoming a political boss, caudillo, “jefe máximo,” or “power behind the throne.” He emphasized that people should not become excessively attached to power or money.
His explanation of retirement is connected to another recurring idea in the speech: happiness does not depend on material possessions or political position, but on one’s relationship with oneself, one’s conscience, and other people.
At the end of the video, López Obrador said that he was in good health and rejected reports of his death. He said he would remain focused on writing and that Pueblo represents the second part of a reflection that began with Grandeza.
According to his explanation, the new book seeks to complete his interpretation of Mexican Humanism through a review of the country’s political history and the figures who, in his view, have embodied its different transformations.
Conclusions
The message in which Andrés Manuel López Obrador presented Pueblo combined the introduction of his new book with an extensive account of his interpretation of Mexican political history. The narrative is structured around four transformations: Independence, the Reform, the Revolution, and the Fourth Transformation.
Throughout the video, López Obrador connected these periods with figures such as Miguel Hidalgo, José María Morelos, Benito Juárez, Francisco I. Madero, and Lázaro Cárdenas. At the same time, he used his interpretation of post-revolutionary governments to establish a distinction between the period he calls neoliberalism or “neo-Porfirismo” and the political project that began with his arrival at the presidency.
Relations with the United States, the media, the fight against corruption, social programs, poverty reduction, and the continuation of the Fourth Transformation under Claudia Sheinbaum were incorporated into the same broader argument.
Ultimately, Pueblo is presented by its author as the political dimension of a reflection that began with Grandeza. While the first book focused, according to López Obrador, on Mexico’s cultural heritage, the second centers on political history and the idea that the people constitute the main subject of the country’s transformations. The book is dedicated to Claudia Sheinbaum and concludes its historical journey with the Fourth Transformation.
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